ISBN: 0-534-19631-4


Major Criminological Theories:

Concepts and Measurement

 

 

 

Liqun Cao

 

 

Foreword by Francis T. Cullen


 

 

 

Contents

Dedication

List of Tables

List of Figures

Foreword by Francis T. Cullen

Preface

Chapter 1 Criminological Theory

        Criminology: A Definition
        Criminology and Other Sciences
        Criminological Theory
        A Brief History of Criminology
        Notes

Chapter 2 Doing Criminological Research

        Scientific Method
        Traditional Research Model
        Measurement
        Theory Testing and Measuring Key Criminological Concepts
        Notes

Chapter 3 Rational Choice Perspective and Routine Activity Approach

        The Roots of the Theoretical Tradition
        Rational Choice Perspective
        Routine Activity Approach
        Measurement of the Key Concepts
        Summary and Discussion
        Notes

Chapter 4 Biological, Personality, and Neutralization Theories

        The Biological Search for Crime Causation
        The Psychoanalytic and Personality Study of Crime
        Neutralization Theory
        Measurement of the Key Concepts
        Summary and Discussion

Chapter 5 Social Disorganization Theory

        Social Disorganization Theory
        Measurement of the Key Concepts
        Summary and Discussion
        Notes

Chapter 6 Anomie Tradition

        Anomie Theory
        Strain Theory
        General Strain Theory
        Measurement of the Key Concepts
        Summary and Discussion
        Notes

Chapter 7 Differential Association and Social Learning Theories

        Differential Association Theory
        Social Learning Theory
        Measurement of the Key Concepts
        Summary and Discussion

Chapter 8 The Subculture of Violence Theory

        The Subculture Theory
        Measurement of the Key Concepts
        Summary and Discussion

Chapter 9 Social Bond Theory

        Control Theory
        Measurement of the Key Concepts
        Summary and Discussion

Chapter 10 Labeling Theory

        Labeling Theory
        Measurement of the Key Concepts
        Summary and Discussion

Chapter 11 Conflict Theory

        Conflict Theory of Crime
        Measurement of the Key Concepts
        Summary and Discussion

Chapter 12 Integrative Theory

        Theory Construction
        Theory Integration
        Examples of Testing Integrated Theories
        Summary and Conclusion
        Notes

Chapter 13 The Future of Criminological Theories

        The Existing Problems in Testing Criminological Theories

        The Implication of these Problems to Theory Construction
        Solutions
        What have I Achieved?
        Concluding Remarks
        Notes

References

Name Index

Subject Index

 

 

Tables

3.1 Measures of Routine Activity Approach

4.1 Diagnostic Criteria for Antisocial Personality Disorder

4.2 Measures of Techniques of Neutralization Theory

5.1 Measures of Social Disorganization Theory

6.1 Measures of Anomie Theory

6.2 Measures of Strain Theory

6.3 Measures of General Strain Theory

7.1 Measures of Differential Association Theory

7.2 Measures of Social Learning Theory

8.1. Measures of Subcultural Violence Theory

9.1 Measures of Social Bond Theory

10.1 Measures of Labeling Theory

11.1 Measures of Conflict Theory

12.1 An Example of Side-by-side Integration

 

 

Figures

2.1 Traditional Research Model

11.1 Lorenz Curve and Gini Estimation

12.1 The Integrated Model

12.2 Theoretical Model of Causal Relationships among Delinquent Peers, Peer Reactions, Delinquent Beliefs, and Delinquent Behavior

12.3 A Comprehensive Model of Robbery

 

 

 

This book is dedicated to

Paula Dubeck and Francis T. Cullen,

and to

Department of Sociology and Division of Criminal Justice,

for their intellectual nurture during my wondering years

at the University of Cincinnati and

for their friendship afterwards.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Foreword

Francis T. Cullen
University of Cincinnati

Theory lies at the core of criminology. What counts as a "criminological theory" will differ according to what standards one uses, but in general the term refers to a set of interrelated propositions that explain why crime is more likely to occur in certain individuals—or in certain areas—and not others. Theory is important, therefore, because it predicts which factors are, and are not, implicated in the causation of crime. Similar to looking into a powerful telescope, a theory helps us to see parts of reality that heretofore were obscured from view. As the world is suddenly illuminated, we can understand in fresh ways why crime occurs. We also can begin to create policies and practices that might target for reform these criminogenic features of our world.

About two decades ago, commentators were decrying the lack of innovative thinking about crime. The criminological imagination was said to be in the doldrums. Over the intervening years, however, scholars have invented new theories and have breathed life into perspectives that had been relegated to the criminological dustbin. At present, the field has an array of theories that hope to capture our attention and allegiance. A special contribution of Professor Cao’s volume is that he provides succinct but insightful accounts of the major criminological theories prevailing today.

This richness in criminological theorizing is both a blessing to be cherished and a burden to be shouldered. The wealth of theorizing is to be welcomed because it means that we have multiple visions on what might lead to criminal involvement. We are not rigidly confined to a single paradigm that closes off other, potentially more enlightening, ways of envisioning the complex reality underlying criminality. However, the burden of being presented with so many visions of reality—of so many major theories—is that they are not all equally illuminating. Some are likely to be substantially correct; some are likely to have value up to a point; and some are likely to be misguided.

How, then, are we to decide which "vision" or theory to embrace? Oftentimes, students of crime endorse a theory because it resonates with some preexisting belief that they adopted or experience that they have endured. A theory just "seems correct." It strikes the person as merely a matter of commonsense that one theoretical perspective is correct while another lacks merit. The difficulty, however, is that one person’s "commonsense" is another person’s nonsense. Thus, someone raised in an inner-city slum where gangs are rampant might pledge allegiance to a theory that attributes crime to exposure to delinquent peers. In contrast, someone raised in a family where a parent was in law enforcement and where individual responsibility was stressed might see crime as a choice made by people who think that crime pays and that punishment can be avoided.

When such a clash of "commonsense" occurs, the challenge is to decipher which theory of the reality of crime should be endorsed or, in the least, given more weight. Many textbooks on criminological theory will bring readers to this point, and then tell them that scientific research studies should be relied upon to decide the empirical status of competing perspectives. The genius of Professor Cao’s Major Criminological Theories is that it relays the "rest of the story." It not only introduces readers to the scientific method but also—and more noteworthy—shows specifically how key concepts in each theoretical tradition are measured. Students thus are given the rare opportunity to glimpse the inner workings of science—to see how scholars have innovatively developed ways of assessing the central components of competing theories.

Through this strategy, Professor Cao teaches valuable lessons about both the content and science of criminological theory. For enterprising students—whether alone or in collaboration—he provides methodological information that might be used to design their own studies! For all of us, he reminds us that in learning about criminological theory, it is not enough to "know the theories." Instead, to be culturally literate in criminology it is equally important to be well-versed in the ways in which scholars have, with diligence and considerable intellect, devised methods to put our theories—including those we like and dislike—to empirical test.

Indeed, I have been taught much by studying this fascinating book. In a way, I am envious that you are just embarking on your own excursion through Major Criminological Theories. It will be an exciting adventure in which Professor Cao, much as a tour guide, leads you across the complicated but compelling landscape of theoretical criminology. By the trip’s end, you will know the ins and outs—the concepts and measurement—of criminological theory. You will have learned much and be prepared to move onward in your quest to uncover more about the origins of crime.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Preface

The primary goal of Major Criminological Theories: Concepts and Measurement is to advance criminology as a science. Although the audience may be criminologists and criminal justice educators in general, the book is written mainly for upper-level undergraduate and graduate students. It lists the achievements in measures of the major criminological theories and presents criticisms of some current practices in research. It can be used either as a principal or as a supplemental text to other texts or anthologies in courses on theories of crime and delinquency. There is no similar criminology text on the market. This is one of a kind.

While it is written for students, I have no doubt that it will also benefit any researchers who are engaging in criminological/criminal justice studies. It is argued that efforts towards standardization are part of the process of scientific theory building because they force scholars to constantly refine their theoretical perspectives and measuring instruments and because they force researchers to choose more comparable measures. This observation is certainly worthwhile for all criminologists to be aware of in their research. The citations of the theoretical and research literature and the list of references are extensive and will prove useful to professionals in general to build or enhance their research projects. The notes in each chapter are intended for interested readers who want to investigate a certain topic further.

The book intends to increase students’ appreciation of and to sharpen criminologists’ vision of the key concepts in criminological theories and their measures. It is not an attempt at a new theoretical development, such as through theory competition, theory elaboration and theory integration, or theoretical verification through empirical analysis, or any other ways of creating a new variation of a theory; rather it is an attempt at strengthening the very foundations in doing criminological research right. It provides a guideline for students of criminology or criminal justice to engage in their own research. There are two unique features of this book: (1) deduction of a theory is used, and (2) a summary of the theoretical operationalizations is emphasized.

The book is the culmination of more than a decade of research and teaching of criminology. It combines criminological theories with a concern for measurement of abstract concepts. The bifurcation of theory and methodology is too common in the curriculum of criminology/criminal justice. The division into separate spheres misrepresents the nature of scientific inquiry. Theorizing and empirical research are reciprocal and interrelated parts of scientific theory building. This book thus attempts to reflect this reciprocal process in the study of crime. It intends to transcend the limitations of previous textbooks of criminology. By rejecting both romantic testing of a theory at will and rigorously sterilizing a classic statement, it contributes to the construction of a more scientific approach to criminology. It allows for a more penetrating analysis of existing problems of scientific criminology and of the ways to address these problems.

Two events provided the inspiration for writing this book. First, in the spring of 1997, Jay Weinstein, then chair of the departmental personnel committee, advised me in private after the committee’s recommendation to accord me tenure and promote me to associate professor that I should consider writing a book in the future. Second, at the 1997 American Society of Criminology Conference in San Diego, Francis T. Cullen, my mentor and friend, said, in discussing Jay’s suggestion, that people would remember a scholar with a unique theory book, not a series of articles. He thought that he would mainly be remembered as an advocator of rehabilitation. I thus became aware of the issue of academic memory.

The initial adumbration of the book began in early 2001 after I returned from a one-semester sabbatical leave at Max Planck Institute of International Criminal Law and Criminology. Having decided on the topic of the book, I found that there were still details to surface only during writing. The book could become either a simple handbook or a complicated theoretical statement. I have decided that it should take the middle road. I have found that theorists have stood on the shoulder of the giants, but that the measurement of theory has not taken the same road. There is no systematic effort to examine the issue and the problems associated with it. This book hopefully fills this void in the literature and aims to help establish in some small way criminological theory as the basis of a scientific discipline sui generis without distorting the intent or content of each criminological theory.

I am indebted to many people for the successful completion of this book. On the top of the list is Francis T. Cullen, not only for his specific suggestions for this book, but also for all these years of unfailing friendship and intellectual encouragement. In fact, the book is dedicated to him and Paula Dubeck, and to the Department of Sociology and the Division of Criminal Justice at the University of Cincinnati. I thank my cohort graduate students (1986-1993) at the University of Cincinnati for their friendship and intellectual challenges, especially for Velmer Burton, Gregory Dunaway, David Evan and Sandra Browning. In retrospect, their excellent dissertations could be regarded as a prototype of the current book. Thanks go to my current and former students, both graduate and undergraduate, at Eastern Michigan University, who help me bring this theory book to their level of understanding. I also want to thank Jay Weinstein and Stuart Henry who generously shared their book proposals. Jay is my in-house confidant. He knew all about my publishing saga and was always ready with advice. Special thanks go to Jihong Zhao, John Winterdyk, Ira Wasserman, and Ling Ren, who read early versions of my manuscripts and graciously gave their constructive criticisms of early versions. At the time of difficulty, their encouragement was much appreciated. Kristy Schindler carefully edited Chapters 3, 4, 5, 12, and 13. Alethea Helbig provided valuable suggestions to improve the language of Chapters 1, 2, and 13. Last, but not least, I have adopted the current book title at the suggestion of Michael Braswell.

Finally, I am grateful to all my family: my daughter Nancy, my wife Meiling, my parents, and my parents-in-laws for their love and support. They probably feel I often spent more time with my computer and books than I do with them. I hope that when they see this book or read the comments on this book they will agree that the effort was worth it. Nancy actually helped to polish the language of Chapter 13. At the age of 15, she already shows her talent in writing. Unlike most wives named in prefaces, my wife is not an angel, but an ordinary complex human being, who constantly reminds me of the importance of humanistic approach in social sciences.

Liqun Cao
Monday, October 6, 2003