ENDNOTES

(See Bibliography for full references)

PART ONE

Chapter 1

1. Lincoln (2), p. 351, quoting C. Kavelin.

Chapter 2

1. Tolstoy (2), XLVII, 37.
2. Ibid., XLVI, 31.
3. Ibid., IV, 59.
4. Alston, p. 70.
5. For example, Chicherin, II, 242-43, states that Anna Tyutcheva spoke Russian badly because she had spent her life at court.

Chapter 3

1. Lampert, p. 68.
2. Quoted in Alston, pp. 47-48. For several articles which challenge some aspects of the traditional view of the Orthodox church as a "handmaiden" of the state and indicate that not all clergymen were as conservative as Filaret, see Freeze (2) & (3).

Chapter 4

1. In his younger days, Vladimir Romanov had sailed to the Russian territories in America and become acquainted with the Russian-American company's office manager, a young poet name Ryleev, who also turned out to be one of the leaders of the Decembrist conspiracy of 1825. As a result of this takeover plot, Ryleev was hanged along with four others. Over a hundred more were sent to Siberia, and still others received lesser punishments. Romanov himself was imprisoned for months in the Sts. Peter and Paul Fortress before he was released and allowed to continue his naval career. See Russkii..., XVII, 26-28.
2. Fadner, pp. 388-89, n.107.
3. Ibid., p. 210.
4. Sergei Soloviev (3), p. 105.
5. Kornilov (2), p. 29, quoting the government official V. A. Mukhavov. The term glasnost, which Mikhail Gorbachev made one of his chief watchwords, was a term that was also frequently used in the first few years of Alexander II's reign. Only then it was put forth as a central aim not by the political leader, but by intellectuals and a few reform-minded government officials. In October 1855, Alexander Nikitenko wrote: "Many are now beginning to talk about lawfullness and openness (glasnost)." A few months later he mentioned an order of Grand Duke Constantine, head of the navy, which was critical of administrators who tried to cover up defects. Nikitenko thought the order was wonderful, but added that many were displeased with such indications of glasnost. Nikitenko, I, 422, 426. See also below, Ch. 5, where Chicherin writes of glasnost; Lincoln (3), p. 42; and Venturi, p. 103, on Herzen and "publicity," which is another English word for glasnost.
6. N. Barsukov, XIV, 494.
7. Quoted in Riasanovsky, p. 265.
 

Chapter 5

1. Tolstoy (2), XVII, 8.
2. Fet, I, 107.
3. Tolstoy (3), I, 59-60; Russian original in Tolstoy (2), LX, 74.
4. Golosa..., II, 111.
5. Barsukov, XIV, 203.
6. Tolstoy (2), XLVII, 69.
7. Ibid., p. 71.

Chapter 6

1. 1857-1861, p. 17.
2. Ibid., p. 208.  A picture of Alexandra Dolgorukaya is on p. 207.
3. Tyutcheva, II, 123.

Chapter 7

1. See Frank (1), pp. 85-89 on the death of Dr. Dostoevsky, the guilt of Fedor, and the possibility that, contrary to long-held beliefs, the father was not killed by his serfs.
2. Quoted in Grossman (1), pp. 159-60.
3. Dostoevsky (8), II, 405, 408, 409.
4. Pereira, p. 25, quoting from Tatishchev.
5. Rieber (2), p. 47, quoting from a letter written by Alexander II in French and reproduced in full on pp. 116-18.
6. Dostoevsky (7), I, 190.
7. Ibid., p. 246.
8. Ibid., p. 398.
9. Ibid., p. 267.

Chapter 8

1. Quoted in Mendel, p. 22.
2. See the excellent article by Marshall S. Shatz, " Michael Bakunin and His Biographers: The Question of Bakunin's Sexual Impotence," in Mendelsohn and Shatz, pp. 219-40, for a view which faults historians for accepting Bakunin's impotence as a fact. Mendel, p. 28-31, p. 28-31, using a psycho-historical approach, argues that Bakunin was impotent and averted sexual contact because in his subconscious sex was associated with incest.
3. Quoted in Mendel, pp. 261-64.

Chapter 9

1. Cited in Seton-Watson, p. 336.
2. Kropotkin, p. 184.
3. For the Kropotkin quote, see ibid., p. 155.; see also Bassin, Chapter 5, for "Dreams of A Siberian Mississippi," where the author details both Russian and American hopes that  Russian activity in the Amur area would lead to closer ties, and Chapter 6 on "Civilizing a Savage Realm."
4. Nikolai Barsukov, XVII,  73-74.
 

Chapter 10

1. Nekrasov, X, 336.
2. Tolstoy (2), XLVII, 118.
3. Tolstoy (3), I, 97; Tolstoy (2), LX, 167.
4. Tolstoy (3), I, 97; Tolstoy (2), LX, 170.
5. Tolstoy (3), I, 115-16; Tolstoy (2), LX, 247-48.
6. Tolstoy (2), XLVIII, 15.
7. Turgenev (3), III, 170.
8. Turgenev (5), VI, 80-81.
9. Ibid., IV, 213.
10. Turgenevskii sbornik, II, 250; Pushkin, I, 92-93.
11. Turgenev (3), III, 418.
12. Ibid., p. 292.
13. Ibid., p. 325.

Chapter 11

1. Herzen (3), XII, 273.
2. See Zakharova (2), pp. 66, 107-09, 123-24, on Herzen's influence at this time.
3.  Kolokol, I, 67. This is from the edition of February 15, 1858.
4. Chicherin, II, 50.
5. Ibid., p. 52-53.

Chapter 12

1. See Wilson, pp. 131-35, 154-58 on the death of Nicholas and the earlier death of another brother, Dmitry, and on the influence of both of these deaths on Tolstoy and his writings.
2. Tolstoy (2), XVII, 470.
3. Ibid., LXII, 199.
4. Berlin (2), 212.
5. Burke, p. 85.
6. Tolstoy (2), LX, 377.
7. Florinsky, II, 922.
8. Valuev would later become one of the prototypes for the unlikeable Alexis Karenin in Tolstoy's Anna Karenina; see Tolstoy (2), XX, 640.
9. Herzen (3), XV, 176.
10. For an account of Bakunin in the United States, see Avrich, pp. 79-106.
11. Tuchkova-Ogareva, p. 185.
12. Quoted in Carr (2), p. 220.

Chapter 13

1. Yarmolinsky (1), p. 125.
2. Dostoevsky (8), XVIII, 37.
3. Ibid., p. 68.
4. Turgenev (5), XI, 87.
5. Frank (3), p. 151.
6. Quoted in Grossman (1), p. 252.
7. Tolstoy (2), 5, 24.
8. Berdyaev, p. 99.
9. Dostoevsky (1), p. 6.
10. Emmons, p. 344.
11. Herzen (1), III, 1366.
12. Dmytryshyn, p. 318.
13. On Turgenev's pessimism, see Moss (3), 242-47, and "The Nihilism of Ivan Turgenev," in Kelly (2), pp. 91-118.
 

PART TWO

Chapter 14

1. Bourne and Watt, p. 81.
2. Quoted in Geyer, p. 40.
3. Emmons, p. 408.
4. Ibid., p. 411.
5. Pereira, p. 87.
6. See Wortman, II, 92-109, for much more on Tsarevich Nicholas and his significance.
7. Tarsaidzé, p. 108. Many of the Tsar's letters to Katia and some of hers to him appear in this work.

Chapter 15

1. N. Barsukov, XX, 186.
2. Bourne and Watt, p. 83.
3. Quoted in Chukovsky, pp. 40-41.
4. Ibid., p. 49.
5. Ibid., p. 9.
6. Ibid., p. 16.

Chapter 16

1. Herzen (3), XX (2), 606.
2. Quoted in Carr (2), p. 257.
3. Kolokol, IX, 1789. This is from the edition of May 1, 1866.
4. Quoted in Carr (2), p. 265.
5. Ibid.

Chapter 17

1. Dostoevsky (3), p. 215.
2. Dostoevsky (7), I, 438.
3. Dostoevsky (8), VIII, 188.
4. Literaturnoe nasledstvo, Vol. 86, p. 234; see also Dostoevskaya (3), p. 30.
5. Dostoevskaya (3), p. 46.

Chapter 18

1. Kavelin, I, 584.
2. V. Soloviev (4), p. 171.
3. V. Soloviev (2), IV, 60.

Chapter 19

1. Tolstaya (2), pp. 87-88.
2. Ibid., p. 90.
3. Tolstoy (2), XLVIII, 15, 25.
4. Tolstaya (2), p. 92.
5. Ibid., p. 147.
6. Tolstoy (4), 1283; Russian original in Tolstoy (2), XII, 267-68.
7. Turgenev (3), VIII, 200.
8. Tolstoy (3), I, 199; Tolstoy (2), LXI, 115.
9. Quoted in Berlin (1), p. 13.
10. Tolstoy (2), VIII, 334.
11. Ibid., XLVIII, 124.

Chapter 20

1. Tarsaidzé, p. 101.
2. Ibid., p. 106.
3. Ibid., p. 115.
4. The Times, June 8, 1867.
5. Goncourt and Goncourt, p. 233.
6. Herzen (1), III, 1429.
7. Ibid., p. 1428.

Chapter 21

1. Quoted in Schapiro (3),  pp. 201-02.
2. Turgenev (3), V, 279.
3. Ibid., VI, 109.
4. Dostoevsky (7), II, 30.

Chapter 22

1. Bakunin, pp. 93-94.
2. Dostoevsky (7), II, 71.
3. Ibid., pp. 101-02.
4. Ibid., II, 101.
5. Confino, p. 75.

Chapter 23

1. Literaturnoe nasledstvo, Vol. 39-40, p. 542.
2. Ogarev, pp. 342-43, 833; see also Pomper (2), p. 96.
3. From a Bakunin letter to Nechaev in Confino, pp. 273-75.
4. Quoted in Pomper (2), p. 82.
5. Carr (1), p. 393.
6. Confino, p. 151.
7. Herzen (3), XXX (1), 299.
8. Ibid., p. 301.
9. Confino, p. 152.
10. Herzen (3), IV, 264.
 

PART THREE

Chapter 24

1. Tarsaidzé, pp. 161-66.
2. Queen Victoria (2), II, 189, 191.
3. Queen Victoria (3), II, 337.
4. Disraeli, I, 106.

Chapter 25

1. Dostoevsky (8), XVI, 5, 7, 16.
2. Ibid., p. 38.
3. Bater, pp. 205-06; Ransel, pp. 94-96, 306.
4. Dostoevsky (7), III, 115.

Chapter 26

1. Kropotkin, p. 306.
2. Quoted in Venturi, p. 488.

Chapter 27

1. V. Soloviev (2), III, 85.
2. Ibid., p. 291.
3. V. Soloviev (4), p. 174.
4. Anderson, pp. 208-09.
5. V. Soloviev (4), p. 177.
6. Ibid.
7. Ibid., p. 63.

Chapter 28

1. Forbes, pp. 190, 194.
2. Hozier, p. 472.
3. Tolstoy (1), 698; Russian original in Tolstoy (2), XIX, 352-53.
4. Milyutin, II, 187.
5. Tarsaidzé, p. 185.
6. Dostoevsky (1), 636.
7. Tatishchev, II, 394.
8. Tarsaidzé, p. 175.
9. Ibid., p. 173.
10. Forbes, p. 199.
11. Tarsaidzé, p. 192.
12. Ibid., p. 193.
13. Ibid., p. 191.
14. MacKenzie, p. 327.

Chapter 29

1. Vasily Botkin, like his good friend Turgenev, had broken with Nekrasov once Chernyshevsky and Dobrolyubov became influential on The Contemporary. Botkin had been too much of an aesthete to tolerate such radicals. On his deathbed in 1869 he arranged for musicians to be brought in, and he died as they played a Beethoven string quartet. The brothers also had a sister who was married to another aesthete and hater of radicals, the poet Fet.
2. Nekrasov, II, 369.
3. Ibid., p. 407.
4. Turgenev (3), VIII, 312.
5. Quoted in Schapiro (3), p. 235.
6. See above, Chapter 23, note 9.
7. Turgenev (3), XII (1), 135.
8. Turgenev (5), X, 147.
9. Quoted in Ashukin, p. 512.
10. Dostoevsky (1), 584.
11. Ibid., p. 936.
12. Ibid., p. 937.

Chapter 30

1. V. Soloviev (1), p. 159.
2. See above, chapter 27, note 1.
3. Tolstoy (3), I, 322; Tolstoy (2), LXII, 413.
4. Dostoevsky (7), IV, 17.
5.  Dostoevsky (9), II, 64.  See also "Dostoevsky and the Divided Conscience," in Kelly (2), pp. 55-79, and Bakhtin, 6, 18, on the  "polyphonic" nature of his fiction that allows his characters to express different ideologies and speak with many different, often mutually exclusive, but yet convincing, voices.  For an approach to Dostoevsky's Diary of A Writer that also detects considerable ambivalence in this work, see Morson.
6. Turgenev (3), X, 305.
7. For a more balanced assessment of the 1863 change in the liquor laws, see David Christian's "A Neglected Great Reform: The Abolition of Tax Farming in Russia," in Eklof, Bushnell, and Zakharova (2), pp. 102-114.
8. Chicherin, III, 192.
9. Dostoevsky (7), IV, 170.
10. Fictional characters, however, often reflect multiple creative sources.  See Perlina, for example, where she emphasizes the similarity of many of Ivan's ideas to those of Herzen.
 

Chapter 31

1. Tolstoy (2), LXII,  406-7.
2. Tolstoy (3), I, 288; Tolstoy (2), LXII, 226.
3. Tolstoy (2), XXIII, 26.
4. Tolstoy (3), I, 314; Tolstoy (2), LXII, 381.
5. Tolstoy (3), I, 320; Tolstoy (2), LXII, 409.
6. Tolstoy (3), I, 321; Tolstoy (2), LXII, 411.
7. See Loshchinin, pp. 67-69, where he revises the traditional view that Turgenev did not like Anna Karenina by pointing out that Turgenev's critical comments about it were directed mainly at the first quarter of the novel and that Turgenev's attitude toward the work as a whole was much more favorable.
8. Tolstaya (2), p. 78.
9. Quoted in Schapiro (3), p. 275.
10. Tolstoy (3), II, 338; Tolstoy (2), LXIII, 116.
11. S. Tolstoy, p. 169.
12. Turgenev (3), XII (2), 260. See Turgenev (1) for translations of his letters to Savina and for more on their romance.

Chapter 32

1. V. Soloviev (2), II, 248.
2. Quoted in Dalton, p. 23.
3. Troyat (2), p. 422.
4. V. Soloviev (4), p. 228.
5. Ibid., p. 71.
6. Ibid., p. 74.
7. Dostoevsky (2), p. 58.
8. Dostoevksy (7), IV, 171.
9. Dostoevsky (2), pp. 57, 58.
10. Dostoevskaya (3), p. 336.
11. Dostoevsky (1), p. 1019. For a brief overview of the anti-Semitism of Dostoevsky, Pobedonostsev, and others see Klier, 412-16; for a fuller treatment of Dostoevsky's views on the Jews, see Goldstein.
12. Ibid., p. 1032.
13. Dostoevsky (1), 1044; and see above Ch. 24, where Gorchakov in 1864 had defended earlier Russian advances as part of a civilizing mission. See also Bassin, p. 262-65, on Dostoevsky's views on Central Asia and how they relate to earlier Russian expansionist hopes including those in the Amur region.
14. V. Soloviev (3), III, 170.

Chapter 33

1. Cited in Kornilov (1), II, 237.
2. Quoted from Byrnes, pp. 143-44.
3. Cited in Zaionchkovsky (1), p. 92.
4. Ibid., p. 135.
5. Milyutin, IV, 79.

Chapter 34

1. Venturi, p. 667, quoting from the first issue of The People's Will, the underground journal of the party.
2. Ibid., p. 668, quoting from the second issue of the same journal. See also Stepniak (1), pp. 11-24, for a more detailed radical view regarding the connection of railway financing and peasant impoverishment.

Chapter 35

1. Milyutin, IV, 62.
2. Cited in Footman, p. 266.

Chapter 36

1. Stepniak (2), pp. 131-33.
2. Milyutin, IV, 49.
3. Cited in Footman, p. 298.
4. Quoted in Segal, p. 368.

Chapter 37

1. Cited in Mochulsky (2), p. 127.
2. Milyutin, IV, 35.
3. Ibid.
4. Tolstoy (2), LXIII, 46-47.
5. Ibid., p. 50.
6. Ibid., p. 52.
7. Ibid., p. 58.
8. Ibid., pp. 58-59.
9. Ibid., p. 58.
 

Epilogue

1. Turgenev (5), X, 147-48. See also Schapiro (3), p. 287.
2. See, Chapter 32, n. 11; Moss (2).
3. Trubetskoi, I, 7.
4. See Shatz and Zimmerman, and "Which Signposts?" in Kelly (2), pp. 155-200.
5. See, for example, McDaniel, pp. 17-18, 28, 184, 186, where he discusses such characteristics and acknowledges Lotman's influence.
6. See Ragsdale, pp. 274-75, where he suggests that some type of Christian socialism might be most appropriate for Russia.  The most fully developed Christian socialist ideas of the late tsarist period came from Sergei Bulgakov (See Evtuhov, 101-14).  Bulgakov was one of the contributors to Signposts who was strongly influenced by the ideas of Vladimir Soloviev.


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